Even as the physical causes and treatments for post-polio sequelae (PPS) are being identified, psychological symptoms-chronic stress, anxiety, depression, and compulsive, Type A behaviour-are becoming evident in polio survivors. Importantly, these symptoms are not only causing marked distress but are preventing patients from making the lifestyle changes necessary to treat their PPS. Neither clinicians nor polio survivors have paid sufficient attention to the acute polio experience, its conditioning of life-long patterns of behaviour, its relationship to the development of PPS, and its effect on the ability of individuals to cope with and treat their new symptoms. we describe the acute polio and post-polio experiences on the basis of patient histories, relate the experience of polio to the development of compulsive, Type A behaviour, link these behaviours to the physical and psychological symptoms reported in the National Post-Polio Surveys, and present a multimodal behavioral approach to treatment.
In the 1980's, nearly half of the 1.63 million American polio survivors reported new and unexpected symptoms-fatigue, muscle weakness, and pain-that have come to be called post- polio sequelae (PPS). While the medical community focused its attention on these new physical symptoms, polio survivors' psychological reactions to PPS emerged. Fear, disbelief, denial, and confusion were experienced first, because PPS were completely unexpected. The 1985 National Survey of 738 polio survivors revealed that 86% of the respondents never considered the possibility of developing new problems after having reached maximum recovery from polio, and that 72% did not initially think that their new symptoms were related to their having had polio. Since polio survivors did not know the cause of their new symptoms, they looked to the medical community for help.
Fear and confusion increased as medical ignorance and disinterest frustrated and angered polio survivors. Many physicians dismissed new symptoms as psychogenic, factitious, or unrelated to polio. In the 1985 National Survey, 23% of respondents were told by physicians that the symptoms were "all in their minds," while 26% were told that the symptoms "could not possibly be related to having had polio." Other patients received frightening and unfounded diagnosed, such as "some kind of Amyotrophic Lateral Sclerosis" or recrudescent polio. Many patients were told that they would have to accept new symptoms and loss of function, because all polio survivors were "just getting old."
Now, in the second decade of PPS, the medical community has accepted the reality of PPS and is identifying effective treatments for new fatigue, weakness, and pain. Even with these advances, additional psychological symptoms-chronic stress, anxiety, depression, and compulsive, Type A behaviour-are being identified in polio survivors. These symptoms are not only causing marked distress but also are preventing patients from making the lifestyle changes necessary to treat their PPS.
It appears that the factor central to the etiology of these psychological symptoms is that polio survivors are being forced to cope with new symptoms and disability when many have not yet dealt with the emotional reality of their having had polio over 30 years ago. Evidence for the postponement of coping with the acute polio experience was found in the 1985 National Survey, where 26% of respondents reported that they "did not think of themselves as having a disability" before developing PPS; with the onset of PPS, 42% admitted to having a "second disability."
Neither clinicians nor polio survivors have paid sufficient attention to the acute polio experience, its conditioning of life-long patterns of behaviour, its relationship to the development of PPS, and its effect on individuals' ability to cope with and treat their new symptoms. It is the purpose of this paper to 1. describe the acute polio and post-polio experiences on the basis of published reports and patient histories; 2. relate the experience of polio to the development of compulsive, Type A behaviour; 3. link compulsive, Type A behaviour to the physical and psychological symptoms reported in the National Surveys; and 4. present a multimodal behavioral approach to the treatment of PPS by describing patients who have been treated by the Kessler Institute's Post-Polio Service during the past year.
THE ACUTE POLIO EXPERIENCE
Polio survivors frequently report that the onset of PPS have forced them, often for the first time, to recall and examine their acute polio experience. With the onset of polio, these individuals understood that they had been stricken by the "greatly feared disease," believed that disability was likely, and death was possible. These fears were amplified in those who knew others who had been disabled or even killed by polio. Polio survivors recall confusion and terror at being given by their parents into the care of strangers with whom they were required to live for weeks, months, or years. Even children too young to understand what was happening likely sensed their parents' fear and panic; they certainly felt the pain of their own illness and the desolation of being abandoned by their parents.
Individuals admitted to hospital quickly became aware of their complete loss of control and total dependency on the hospital staff. Many could not feed or toilet themselves; those with the most severe paralysis could not even move. Patients were forced to rely totally on hospital staff if their most basic survival needs were to be bet. If they were to survive, patients had little choice but to suppress their fears and follow their parents' parting instructions: "Be good, don't make trouble, and do everything you're told."
Separation from parents and loss of control were not the only sources of fear. Patients describe a hospital regimen of painful and often frightening therapies including hot packs, splinting, bracing, stretching, and exercise. Patients also report undergoing multiple surgeries, including muscle transplants, tendon lengthenings, and osteotomies. One especially brutal procedure that many parents attempted to obtain for their children pulverized weakened muscles and their nerves with an electric riveter to promote axonal sprouting-a uniquely medieval attempt to prevent permanent visible disability. These procedures were administered usually without explanation and certainly without consent since, especially at the height of the epidemics, hospitals were overwhelmed by the sheer number of polio patients needing care.
Excluding young patients from treatment decisions and the failure to communicate information about their illness magnified the severity of the illness to the patients and permitted their inherent fear of death to emerge.
Questions or complaints about therapies were not infrequently met by staff anger or punishment. Staff anger was viewed as a real threat to survival by patients who were isolated from parents and totally dependent on the staff. One patient described this situation as placing her in "mortal danger"; she believed that the staff had to be placated if she were to survive. Patients discovered that staff anger could sometimes be prevented if they complied with the hospital regiment without questions. Full participation in therapies, without regard to pain or exhaustion, would sometimes garner brief attention or even praise. Thus, the expression of personal needs and emotion were punished by the staff, while unquestioning compliance with and performance for the staff were reinforced.
Unfortunately, protection from punishment could not always be assured. Patients describe staff who acted with unnecessary cruelty in maintaining order and control on the ward. Family visits were restricted to only a few hours per week, reinforcing patients' feelings of parental abandonment and dependency on staff. Normal, child-like behaviours were punished excessively. Several patients reported having been locked in a completely dark closet overnight when they spoke or cried after "lights out." Even appropriate and necessary nursing care could be withheld for no apparent reason.
Many of the patients treated by our service have related other instances of psychological, physical, and even sexual abuse at the hands of hospital staff. Instead of causing patients to complain, such abuse further reinforced patients' belief that survival depended on the suppression of personal needs and emotion and unquestioning compliance with those in authority. This belief is evidenced in one patient's rationale for not reporting repeated sexual abuse: "I would have made my parents angry because I was not doing what I was told and the nurses, who I depended on for everything, would have punished me for making trouble for them. All I could do was stop feeling bad about it and smile."
Under these circumstances, some patients report having lost their sense of identity. Some report over-identifying with the staff, even expressing the desire to become "orthopaedic surgeons when they grew up." Others apparently submitted so completely to the hospital staff that they did not wish to go home or even asked to return to the hospital following discharge.
It appears that many polio survivor learned to deal with their abandonment, loss of control, fear, pain, and abuse by submitting to those in authority, complying fully with external expectations, and denying personal needs, physical and emotional pain, and even their own individuality. These behaviours are evident in this summary of the "Good Chart" written by polio wardmates at Baltimore's City Hospital:
When polio patients returned home as "polio survivors," the "Good Chart" became their prescription for proper behaviour. They had learned very young and very well that submission, compliance, and suppression of emotion were required if they were to escape "mortal danger."
POLIO SURVIVORS IN THE COMMUNITY
When polio survivors re-entered their communities, any special attention that may have been provided to them and their families during the acute polio often quickly stopped. Friends of polio survivors' families, unable to deal with the reality of polio, often disappeared. It was not uncommon for neighbourhood children to be prohibited from playing with "polio victims" for fear that the "crippling" was contagious. Polio survivors, no longer physically able to participate easily or fully in social activities, became isolated. Such alienation and isolation often made polio survivors pariahs.
However, there was "hope." Individuals had been imbued with the "unqualified progress ideology" of physical therapy following their acute illness and had often been given prognoses upon discharge that were unrealistically optimistic. One paraplegic woman was told, "You'll walk out of your braces before you start dating." Such prognoses were seen as a call normalcy. The use of braces, crutches, and wheelchairs, that had made mobility possible and had been symbols of triumph over paralysis in the hospital became, stigmata of "the crippled" and symbols of one's failure to have recovered completely. Necessary assistive devices were quickly discarded, regardless of the discomfort, fatigue, awkwardness, or pain that resulted, as individuals strove for the "appearance of complete physical normalcy."
Painful and exhausting physical therapies were resumed upon patients' return home from hospital or initiated in those who were not hospitalized. Physical therapy often continued for more than a decade after the acute polio with the only goal being "complete recovery." One patient, who became triplegic at age 6 and has consistently thereafter used a wheelchair, continued daily physical therapy until she left home for college. She stated, "Everyone believed that physical therapy would make me walk-eventually." As motivation to walk without braces, another patient was repeatedly beaten by his father who said, "I'd rather see you dead than a cripple."
The abuse of polio survivors by parents was usually loss overt but was not infrequent, being motivated by a denial of polio and revulsion by disability. Some polio survivors report being physically trapped by their parents' refusal to make accommodations for their physical limitations. Homes frequently remained inaccessible, making activities of daily living impossible without assistance from parents-assistance that could be inconsistently provided or consistently withheld. One patient was regularly carried outside in the early morning, regardless of the weather, where she remained until dark. Another patient reported that he was locked in a car with windows closed in the heat of midsummer so that his family could tour Washington's then inaccessible national monuments. Polio survivors learned that physical abilities needed to be maximized if they were to survive in a "barrier-full" society.
Other parents strove to reincorporate the child into the family routine and "forget" about polio by requiring children to equal or exceed the level of physical performance they exhibited before their illness. One patient's family took up hiking when their daughter returned home from the hospital, expecting her to "learn to keep up with the others" in spite of crutches and braces. Patients also report that they were expected to out-perform their peers academically. Several patients reported that they would be severely punished if they received "anything less than an 'A'." Such academic expectations reinforced the premature adult-like behaviours that were described in children who had been hospitalized following the acute polio.
Still other parents experienced both "shame and estrangement" at having been "singled out" by polio. Unable to deny the reality of their child's disability, they isolated the family from society and severely restricted their child's physical activities. One patient, who had a barely noticeable limp following polio at 18 months, was prevented from leaving his yard or playing with other children until he attended high school. Such isolation impaired the development of social relationships, and parental shame of disability was taught to the child. Unfortunately, many patients report that their parents have consistently refused through the years to discuss anything having to do with the physical or emotional reality of the polio experience. An attempt at discussion with one 45 year old patients's mother was stopped by the angry statement, "It's all too painful for me. Don't ever mention it again."
Whether unrealistically demanding or overly restrictive, parents' powerful expectations, combined with those of physicians, nurses, and therapists, dictated the behaviours that were required of polio survivors if they were to escape "mortal danger" and be accepted by society. Yet, despite the fulfilment of these expectations by the achievement of a remarkable degree of functional recovery in most individuals and even the appearance of "normalcy" in many, polio survivors were told that they were still not acceptable. They report being told by teachers that no one would ever hire them, by parents that no one would ever marry them, and by physicians that they should never have children. Thus, as polio survivors entered adulthood they had internalized the expectations of those in authority, which often caused self-alienation and what has been called the "execution of the self." Polio survivors continued to follow the prescription for proper behaviour set forth in the "Good Chart", even though they had been told that fulfilling the expectations of others would likely not result in acceptance by society.
TYPE A BEHAVIOUR AS PPS
The majority of polio survivors have succeeded in minimizing the appearance of disability, maximizing independence, and "disappearing" into society. Most polio survivors have learned to walk after discarding nearly all of their original assistive devices. Despite society's negative expectations, polio survivors have had more years of formal education and a larger proportion of them are married as compared to the general disabled and non-disabled populations. Polio survivors also have a higher level of employment compared to the general disabled population.
These data suggested the hypothesis that polio survivors have not merely achieved "normalcy," but have actually surpassed it by learning physically and emotionally stressful Type A behaviour as a response to their experience of polio. The polio experience should have provided an ideal environment for the conditioning of Type A behaviour. Type A behaviours are thought to be learned in service of the "active avoidance of punishment" by individuals who are engaged in a chronic "struggle to overcome environmental barriers" "against the opposing efforts of other things or person." Further, Powel et al found that a "consistent set of beliefs and attitudes about the self, others, and life in general lay beneath the overt (Type A) behaviour," including "low social support," "low self-esteem," and loss of control. Such beliefs would be the likely consequence of the above-described experience of polio.
To test the hypothesis that polio survivors are Type A, the Brief Type A Questionnaire was administered to 738 polio survivors as part of the 1985 National Post-Polio Survey. Polio survivors' mean Type A score of 53 ñ 22 was significantly higher than that of non-disabled controls (36 ñ 14). This finding was replicated by the 1990 National Survey of 373 polio survivors who had a significantly elevated mean Type A score of 59 ñ 22 compared to non- disabled controls (45 ñ 20) and adults with spina bifida (48 ñ 22).
Since it had been suggested that Type A individuals are hypersensitive to criticism, the 1990 National Survey also included the Reinforcement Motivation Survey (RMS) that contains a Sensitivity to Criticism and Failure Scale. Polio survivors had a significantly elevated mean Sensitivity to Criticism and Failure score compared to non-disabled controls that significantly correlated with the Type A score (r=.44). This correlation suggests that Type A bbehaviourin polio survivors serves in part to prevent criticism and to protect against feelings of failure.
COMPULSIVE BEHAVIOUR AS PPS
The majority of patients treated by our service not only demonstrate Type A behaviour but also evidence behaviours that are not typically Type A. Patients describe an inability to express emotion or admit having physical pain ("I can't complain because people expect the handicapped to complain"). They inflexibly and punitively judge their own behaviour on the basis of what is "normal" and on unachievable ideals of perfection. One patient stated, "If I fail at anything, I might as well die. It boils down to either using every ounce of my energy to lead a normal, successful life or giving in to my weakness and being inferior."
Patients also demonstate a strong need to be in control and report marked anxiety with and nearly phobic avoidance of any change ("I am constantly moving and in a constant state of fear. I feel if I slow down, I'll never get started again") or decrease in the number or extent of their activities ("I can't just sit and do nothing"). These patients refuse to slow down, delegate responsibilities, or allow others to assist them even when they experience fatigue, weakness, and pain. They report a saw-tooth pattern of activity, characterized by working until physical symptoms prevent them from continuing. Exhausted, anxious, and fearful of criticism, they rest until activity is again possible and then work until symptoms force them to halt. As one polio survivor stated, "I have spent my whole life pushing to keep going and I still push myself even though I know I shouldn't. I keep going until I can no longer walk or stand the pain. I cannot be stopped. I work until I fall."
Patients also report that they must satisfy the real or perceived needs of others ("I can't ever say 'No'"), and some describe a compulsion to perform nearly ritualistic behaviours to escape "mortal danger." One patient stated, "I know it's ridiculous, bit I believe that if I make the bed every day I'll never die; I will earn the right to continue to live."
These behaviours are reminiscent of Obsessive Compulsive Personality Disorder (OCPD). However, polio survivors' compulsive behaviour differs from the behaviours diagnostic of OCPD in important ways. Their compulsiveness does not interfere with task completion or promote indecisiveness, nor do polio survivors lack generosity in giving to others. On the contrary, compulsive behaviours are goal-oriented and are performed in the service of others. Importantly, these behaviours are associated with the exacerbation and maintenance of PPS symptoms. Because of these differences from OCPD, a separate diagnostic category, Compulsive Psychophysiological Disorder (CPD), is suggested to highlight the relationship between goal- oriented, compulsive behaviours and the occurrence of physical symptoms.
Fifty percent of the patients evaluated by this service met the criteria for CPD. Further, the diagnosis of CPD is significantly correlated with patients' elevated Type A (r=.46) and Sensitivity to Criticism and Failure scores (r=.47), suggesting that compulsive behaviours are related to Type A behaviour and also may serve in part to prevent criticism and to protect against feelings of failure. These findings support the theoretical literature on compulsive behaviour that suggest compulsiveness protects against loss of control and failure, and is used to "avoid or overcome distressful feeling of helplessness." Million and Everly stated that compulsive behaviour occurs when the "child never develops a separate identity, and functions in the world by conforming to strict, internalized parental standards and to the standards around him or her"- conditions that are described above as central to the experience of polio.
COMPULSIVE, TYPE A BEHAVIOUR AND THE ETIOLOGY OF PPS
Unfortunately, polio survivors appear to have paid a high price for learning compulsive, Type A behaviour in an effort to achieve "normalcy," escape "mortal danger," and protect against the emotional pain generated by the polio experience. That price is PPS. Physical overexertion and emotional stress were reported to be the first and second leading causes of PPS on the 1985 National Survey. The majority of respondents to the 1990 National Survey reported symptoms of chronic stress (frequent feelings of anxiety, low mood, and difficulty falling asleep because the "mind is racing"). These symptoms, along with the Type A and Sensitivity to Criticism and Failure scores, were significantly correlated with PPS symptom severity.
These data indicate the PPS are psychophysiological in nature and that clinicians must address both physical and psychological symptoms when polio survivors present for treatment of PPS. The treatment of PPS requires behaviour modification to reduce compulsive, Type A behaviour and thereby decrease PPS symptoms. Psychotherapy is also necessary to address the dysfunctional beliefs and powerful suppressed emotions resulting from the experience of polio that motivate compulsive, Type A behaviour, produce psychological distress, and prevent compliance with therapy.
BEHAVIOR MODIFICATION AND PSYCHOTHERAPY
All patients who present for treatment by the Post-Polio Service undergo complete physiatric and psychological evaluations, the latter beginning with administration of the Reinforcement Motivation Survey (RMS) and Beck Depression Inventory (BDI). Of the 55 patients evaluated during the past year, the majority had elevated Type A (mean = 57ñ29) and Sensitivity to Criticism and Failure (mean =75ñ28) scores on the RMS, but had insignificantly elevated BDI scores (mean = 14ñ9).
Although 57% of patients reported "low mood," only 31% met DSM-IIIR criteria for Major Depressive Episode (MDE), a percentage similar to the 32% reported by Friedenberg et al but higher than the prevalence of MDE in the general population (3% to 7%) and in those with medical illness (20%). Friedenberg et al suggested that damage to monoaminergic neurons in the brain stem may predispose polio survivors to MDE. However, the report of "treated depressions" in 38% of adults with spina bifida suggests that childhood-onset orthopaedic disability itself may predispose to MDE in adults.
The presence of MDE in our patients is important, not only because it requires treatment, but also because MDE is significantly correlated with treatment noncompliance. MDE was diagnosed in 63% of patients who refused further treatment after the initial evaluation and in 50% of those who were discharged for therapeutic noncompliance. Only 11% of patients who were fully compliant and 29% of those who were partially compliant with therapy were diagnosed as having a MDE. MDE is always treated with psychotherapy, although depression was sufficiently severe in 70% of patients that an antidepressant was recommended.
Following psychometric testing, psychological, medical, and psychosocial histories are taken that include detailed descriptions of the new symptoms and their causes, the acute polio experience, post-polio rehabilitation, and patients' personal experience of disability. Information about the response of family, friends, and community to the acute polio to patients' original disability, and to PPS is elicited along with a chronology of school and vocational achievements, noting the onset and development of compulsive, Type A behaviour.
Treatment: The treatment of PPS is approached by all members of the treatment team- physician, physiologist, and occupational and physical therapists-from a psychophysiological perspective using the techniques of multimodal behaviour therapy. Therapy begins by asking patients to list their treatment goals and keep a daily log of activities, perceived exertion, fatigue, muscle weakness, pain, emotional stress, thoughts and emotions. This log is used to document physical and emotional symptoms and demonstrate their relationship to thoughts, affect, and compulsive, Type A behaviour. Outpatients are then evaluated by occupational and physical therapists during twice-weekly session. Inpatients receive all therapies daily.
After 2 weeks, log data and evaluation results are used by the treatment team to formulate a behavioral plan designed to decrease behaviours that cause physical symptoms, initiate self-care activities, and incorporate stress and time management, energy conservation, work simplification, and a program of relaxation, stretching, and non-fatiguing progressive resistance exercises into patients daily routine. The behavioral plan is then presented to patients and their significant others at a meeting with the treatment team. Also discussed are the hypothesized causes of PPS, and the team's expectation of total compliance with all aspects of the behavioral plan.
Patients continue to keep logs throughout their treatment to document symptoms, the progression of exercises, and modification of behaviours. Logs are reviewed with patients by each therapist at every treatment session. Goals are reviewed by the entire treatment team at twice-monthly behavioral rounds. Problems with the behavioral plan, especially those having to do with compliance, are communicated immediately to all members of the team. If no significant problems develop, patients meet with the team once again at the end of the 8 to 12 week outpatient treatment program or at the end of the one week inpatient evaluation.
Compliance problems often arise with the daily log and the behavioral plan. Patients have difficulty keeping the log because it interferes with the compulsive performance of their scheduled activities and forces them to recognize the severity and pervasiveness of their symptoms. Invariable, patients have difficulty in complying with the behavioral plan. They will "forget" to alter their schedules and refuse lifestyle modification because such changes directly conflict with their Type A behaviour. As one patient who was discharged for noncompliance angrily stated, "I don't want to change. I just want to be the way I was."
Unfortunately, such problems with compliance are typical of post-polio patients. One clinic reported that only 41% of patients sporadically used a newly prescribed brace, while 70% refused to use a new cane or crutch simply because they "didn't want to." Another clonic concluded that "the major reason for failure (of PPS symptoms) to improve was the unwillingness of the patient to follow any of the recommendations made." Peach has documented the importance of compliance with regard to the treatment of PPS muscle weakness, showing that muscle strength decreases over time only in patients who fail to fully comply with therapeutic recommendations.
During the past year, 47% of the patients treated by this service were judged to be fully compliant, 34% only partially compliant, and 19% were discharged from therapy for not complying with the behavioral plan. Of all patients who received an initial evaluation, 28% refused any treatment for their PPS. It appears that inadequate compliance results in part from patients' fear of relinquishing Type A behaviour that is believed by them to protect against "mortal danger." Some noncompliant patients fear that PPS will return them to the same position of helplessness that they experienced following acute polio. Most report an even greater fear of criticism and a sense of failure when they merely contemplate lifestyle changes or the use of new assistive devices, even though without them PPS symptoms persist and progress, and functional ability deteriorated. Not unexpectedly, inadequately compliant patients have an elevated mean Sensitivity to Criticism and Failure score (79 ñ 18) compared with fully compliant patients (69 ñ 35).
Patients' ability to change their behaviour is directly related to their ability to challenge long- held beliefs about self-worth and survival and tolerate the emergence of the powerful fears and long-suppressed emotions generated by the polio experience. To promote compliance with the behavioral plan, cognitive therapy techniques are employed through weekly individual psychotherapy to identify and modify dysfunctional beliefs, fears, and emotions. Learning theory is also employed to explain how Type A behaviour was learned to protect against fear, emotional pain, and "mortal danger," while behaviour modification techniques are used to decrease and eliminate these overlearned behaviours.
As these techniques assist patients to decrease Type A behaviour, increased anxiety and fear invariably result. Some patients report insomnia, panic attacks, intrusive and emotionally charge flashbacks about their early polio experience, and even fear of impending death. The psychotherapist helps patients understand the origin of these disturbing experiences and learn to tolerate them, reinforces the new self-care behaviours, and supports patients through what can be terrifying days and nights.
As therapy continues, patients discover that their Type A behaviour has been more habitual than necessary. They begin to discard the "Good Chart," become better able to care for themselves, and begin to believe that they can have both self-worth and a disability. As the behaviours and emotions conditioned by the polio experience decrease, the focus of psychotherapy shifts to the experience of PPS. Depressed mood is replaced by sadness and anger as the trauma of a "second disability" is experienced. Twice-monthly group psychotherapy provides peer support to assist patients in dealing emotionally with their PPS and practically with the lifestyle changes necessary to treat them. The realization by patients in the group that they are not alone in their painful physical and emotional experiences is itself powerfully therapeutic. Couples and family sessions are also employed for both education about PPS and psychotherapy. It is noteworthy that nearly all spouses, with some striking exceptions, respond favourably to patients' lifestyle changes, with the most frequently heard comment being, "I've been wanting you to slow down for years."
All patients treated by our service, whether fully or even partially compliant, report meaningful reductions in physical and affective symptoms and increased function. But, as fatigue, muscle weakness, and pain decrease, patients frequently increase activity and have a tendency to resume compulsive, Type A behaviour. To prevent this, patients are instructed to adhere strictly to the modified daily schedule set forth in their behavioral plan, especially after they are discharged from physical and occupational therapies and individual psychotherapy. Patients continue in group psychotherapy for at least 6 months after discharge, are seen a 3- month intervals for medical and psychological follow up, and are encouraged to call their therapists at any time with questions or for support.
It is possible that the large proportion of patients treated by our service who have experienced severe psychological trauma as a result of their polio experience may not be representative of all polio survivors or even of all individuals who present for treatment of PPS. However, there is something unique about the experience of polio that predisposes to the development of compulsive, Type A behaviour, sensitivity to criticism and failure, and chronic stress, anxiety, and depression: the early onset of a universally feared, potentially life-threatening illness that presented in epidemic proportions; the experience of severe paralysis that could be forced to recede with the application of years of strenuous physical therapy; the need to maximize physical abilities to function in a "barrier-full" society that was repelled by disability; and the sparing of intellectual abilities that were used to overcompensate for residual physical limitations. These factors must be studied if we are to understand the psychology of the polio survivor, maximize treatment compliance, and effectively treat both the physical and psychological symptoms of PPS.
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